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There’s No Nation Building without Black Love #SayNoToDivestment

Photo courtesy of thenology.com 

Brothers and sisters, the next time you’re tempted to do away with the entire opposite gender of your race based on the actions of one, or a few, scorned lovers of the past, please take a second to consider that those who have wronged you may be dealing with trauma from which they need to heal, or, just like many of Us, are caught up in a sea of perspectives, customs and traditions about love and sexuality that’s unbecoming of conscious African-centered women and men.

As our three panelists, each of whom touched on the spiritual, mental, and financial aspects of Black Love, clearly articulated on the May 11th special edition of The AllEyesOnDC Show, the latter is often the case in matters involving Black men and women embroiled in toxic relationships. In failing to become our most best selves, We plague our outlook on dating and fall short in inspiring the best out of Our partner.

That’s why We must revamp the dialogue and prioritize the procreation of healthy children and families, ensured through the union between conscious Black men and women. Without the culturally rich experience an African-centered rites-of-passage, those of Us who don’t have knowledge of self struggle to develop a healthy identity in this spiritually unbalanced society.

By taking on habits and thoughts that lower Our vibration, We don’t ascend to greater heights in consciousness, and in turn, look for, and expect, the wrong qualities in our partners, often dictated to us by a foreign ideology centered exclusively on accentuated physical attributes, vanity, and other asinine markers of success in the Babylon system.

A lack of love for self, and that for the opposite sex, manifests differently in the spiritual, mental, and financial realms, all to the detriment of the nuclear family. Without prioritizing Our holistic development, in the interest of Our sanity and community welfare, Nation building no longer becomes the focus. This insanity must stop!

In classic AllEyesOnDC form, this panel provides the keys essential to becoming the best person possible for your partner, and the African nation at large. Watch, enjoy, and spread the word.

 

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In Elaborate Coverup, Paul PCS Defames & Fires Effective English Teacher

Paul Public Charter School/ Courtesy Photo 

Despite assurances that administrators would prioritize teacher safety, and that of the greater school population, an overtly opaque investigation into a student’s alleged attempted assault against an instructor, the latest in a series of questionable events to take place in a D.C. charter school, recently culminated in the instructor’s termination, with no explanation from school officials.

On Thursday afternoon, the now former Paul Public Charter School employee, Sam P.K. Collins, while on paid administrative leave, received a phone call from school leadership announcing the “severance” of their relationship. This transpired just hours before Paul PCS hosted its annual My Brother’s Keeper banquet, a community event to celebrate the male-bonding initiatives and trips that took place throughout the year at the school, the majority of which Collins recruited students for and participated.

The attempted assault, carried out by a male student of color Collins had taught this past academic year, took place 10 days earlier, on the afternoon of May 14th, and ended with the student on top of Collins. Security personnel was nowhere in sight for more than 10 minutes.

That afternoon, the young man abruptly walked into Collins’ classroom, ignoring him and bumping into other students, as the instructor stood at the front door and passed out the classwork for that day. The student then sat away from his peers as Collins, a co-teacher, and nearly 15 other young people made their way to the more-than-a-dozen desks formed in a circle in the middle of the room.

For much of the class, as other students followed Collins’ instruction, the student in question, just as he had done several times before, plugged his headphones into his iPhone, pulled out several sheets of paper and started doodling before working on assignments for other classes. The co-teacher, who had been working with the young man in the weeks leading up to the incident, motioned him to come over the circle, a request he denied. After glancing at the young man, Collins started the lesson hoping that he would change his mind.

More than 15 minutes into the 53-minute class, Collins, seeing that the student was still enamored by his doodles, stopped the lesson, walked over to the young man’s desk, gently grabbed the papers, being intentional about only touching the papers, not the young man. The student, surprised and perturbed, took his headphones out of his ears and demanded his papers, yelling “Give me back my shit” to Collins.

At that point, Collins told the young man, in a stern but calm manner, “You have to do work related to English and Language Arts in this class. Only that work and nothing else.” Shortly after, Collins backed away from the young man’s desk, walking backwards to the tan locker across the classroom, where he intended to lock the student’s drawings for the remainder of class.

By the time Collins reached the locker, the young man had gotten from behind his desk and started walking toward the teacher. The co-teacher, most likely sensing the student’s desire to retaliate, stretched out her hand and pulled him away from Collins in an effort to diffuse the situation. In those few seconds, Collins pulled out his keys and successfully opened the locker, placing one door between himself and the young man so that he could open the other side and secure the materials.

Unfortunately, the co-teacher’s efforts didn’t suffice. As Collins attempted to close the locker, the young man walked over to him, fists balled up. Seconds later, he swung a right hook at Collins, who, in self-defense, bear hugged the student. What followed was a scuffle during which the young man tried to break free of Collins’ grip, swinging his fists into Collins’ back and whispering “Yeah nigga, yeah nigga” in his ear.

Three minutes into the quasi-wrestling match, the male student tripped up Collins and proceeded to get on top of him. At that time, Collins, trying to avoid getting punched while on his back, held the student’s hands back and squirmed on the floor with the student on top of him before the co-teacher pulled him off and ordered the other students out of the room and against the lockers in the hallway.

As the co-teacher pulled the alleged assailant by his hand into another classroom, Collins followed behind the pair, in deep labored breaths, asking him why would he try to punch a teacher. Seconds later, Collins gained composure, walking back to his classroom and leading students to their desks to continue the lesson. Shortly after, security personnel and school administrators, just as Collins got back into the lesson, called him out of class to start the investigation, which included submission of his written statement, and interviews with administrators and the Metropolitan Police Department.

That afternoon would be the last time Collins’ students would see him, sweating and disheveled, in the teaching capacity.

Journalist Turned Educator

Photo for AllEyesOnDC FlyerDuring his nearly two-year tenure at Paul PCS, Collins gained a reputation as an instructor who cared deeply for students’ academic and personal success, taking on a teaching style that integrated English instruction with other disciplines in a manner that facilitated students’ holistic education. A self-avowed Pan-Africanist who started openly embracing a Black Nationalist philosophy as an adult adolescent, Collins often described writing and reading to his students as means to self-determination, encouraging his Black and Latino students to read deeply and for themselves, all while providing deep historical and cultural context for the stories they would read as a class.

In February, after submitting a presentation proposal, Collins, with the encouragement of school leadership, represented Paul PCS at the Rubicon Curriculum Conference in Pittsburgh, where he gave a presentation titled “Equipping Our Black Students with Knowledge of Self” to a group of teachers and education policy experts. Collins was the only Black male participant in the entire program. Weeks later, he would divulge the specifics of his presentation to Paul staff during a weekly meeting. At the time of his termination, Collins was slated to teach U.S. History next school year and assist Paul PCS in a curriculum revamp.

Before teaching at Paul PCS, Collins served as a substitute teacher at a bevy of D.C. charter schools and an instructor at an African-centered homeschool. The transition to full-time education happened amid a prolific, and ongoing, journalism career that included stints at ThinkProgress and The Washington Informer, a local Black-owned newspaper where Collins, now 28, launched W I Bridge, a monthly millennial magazine. In 2015, disillusioned by the effects of gentrification on D.C.’s cultural economy, Collins launched The AllEyesOnDC Show, a grassroots media program that hosted live news events at We Act Radio in Southeast before moving to Sankofa Video Books & Cafe in Northwest.

Collins, a native Washingtonian of Liberian descent, has deep roots in the Paul, and Ward 4, community, having attended the institution shortly after it gained its charter in 2001 before matriculating to Banneker Academic High School in Northwest two years later. During that stint as a middle school student, Collins whetted his appetite for journalism and advocacy, helping launch The Paul Post student newspaper and serving on the Student Government Association, as vice president, and later president.

Memories of a positive Paul experience, and the potential for recreating such memories for his students, motivated Collins to wake up at 5:30am every morning and make the less-than-a-mile trek from his home to Paul PCS, to start work nearly an hour before the start of the school day.

More than anything else, Collins wanted to ensure that students understood the value of discipline and perseverance on their academic journey. So much so, he embraced policies and procedures brought on by senior school officials, who, after a slew of firings last school year and dramatic changes in leadership, promised continuity and fidelity to the rules, to the benefit of students and teachers.

Despite skepticism among co-workers that work conditions would improve, Collins persevered, upholding the rules the best way he could, asking students to tuck in their shirts while walking down the halls, discouraging use of cell phones and unauthorized stairwells, and chastising students who chronically skipped class. Those efforts, in a world where the higher ups prioritized PARCC test scores and PMF data over character development, often proved futile, foreshadowing the circumstances that led to Collins’ termination.

Long Ignored Institutional Breakdowns

First came the use the unauthorized stairwells in front of administrators, an action students often found themselves carrying out while in a rush. Next, swarms of students on the third floor, where Collins’ class was located, along with other sections of the school, would often congregate and loiter when they should be in class. This type of activity most often took place during first period, before and after lunch, and toward the end of the school day; all without a dean or security guard in sight.

In the past, senior officials have stood in the shadows while, during his class, Collins had to step outside his door to gather loud, loitering students out of the restroom. The administrator that time, also Collins’ supervisor, said nothing to the five or so students skipping their class that morning. She would later write about him, in an evaluation, that he “unknowingly” ill serves students.

This administrator completed and submitted this document, based on an observation of an early April class, to Collins May 15th, the day after he defended himself against his alleged assailant.

Months earlier, during a meeting between Paul PCS’ CEO, director of schools, and teachers, Collins, to the chagrin of some of his colleagues, recounted the lack of a strong adult presence on the third floor hallway, stretching several feet between the high school section and middle school corridor, during time windows where student foot traffic was highest. Beyond the seven or so teachers whose classes lined the hallways, the lack of vigilant adults, particularly those who held significant institutional power, often complicated efforts to corral students into class between transitions, each one taking three minutes. Without the presence of security guards or a grade-level dean, students wouldn’t get into class until, oftentimes, more than 10 minutes after it started.

During classes, when all students should be accounted for and in class, the same group of young people would post up between the Boys Bathroom and the water fountain. Whenever the bell rings, these same young people often line up against a set of lockers awaiting the bell to ring so they can roam the halls, attend their friends’ lunch cycle, or play in the school gymnasium, for another 53 minutes at a time. If not there, these students would be holed up in administrators’ offices, passing the time without a valid explanation.

In the months and weeks leading up to the May 14th incident, the lack of consistent security and leadership presence in the hallways took a toll on Collins and affected his relationship with students, many of whom felt emboldened by their newfound freedom to be out of uniform, blast music from headphones, curse freely at instructors, and engage in acts of violence. As one of the few adults to openly address these concerns with students, without the backing of higher ups until after the fact, Collins often stood by himself against students hellbent on doing whatever they wanted.

Early in the second semester, at the end of the school day as students gathered their belongings to exit the building, a colleague, noticing a melee in the works, motioned Collins to come over to the middle of the hall. Seconds later, Collins had to help break up a fight, getting punched by one of the students in the face in his attempts to quell the pandemonium. Security was nowhere in sight during this incident.

The next incident, during which Paul PCS fell short in protecting people, resulted in student injury. On the last day of Black History Month, while most of the high school was enthralled in an assembly, a violent scuffle took place on the third floor unbeknownst to anyone. One of the students involved, earlier in the year, allegedly flipped a table at a teacher in a fit of rage.

When a concerned student reported the incident to Collins, he told his supervisor who then assured him that administrators had the situation under control. What followed was an adjudication process clouded in secrecy, during which one of the alleged assailants walked into the school building though being suspended. Since that mishap, administrators, in what has been described as a reactive measure, release daily “Do Not Admit” lists that include names of suspended students.

More recent instances of student violence, or the threat of student violence, affected Collins more personally.

During the latter part of last month, a young man who vandalized the Boys Bathroom, in front of security, was allowed to go on a field trip after the fact. During that incident, which happened during a grade-wide transition to lunch, Collins walked into the bathroom upon hearing a disturbance. Once inside, Collins saw the large, green trash can dragged across the room and a toilet paper teepee over the stalls. Soon after, he saw the young man exit one of the bathroom stalls with a roll of toilet paper in his hand. After asking him to give the paper, the young man refused. At that point, Collins asked a colleague to come in and calm down the student. That teacher’s words didn’t help quell the situation.

A week later, after running down the hallway at track-star speed, pummeling a young lady, and getting up in a female teacher’s face, another student threatened Collins’ safety after he briskly walked down the hallway and asked the young man to leave the entrance of the girl’s restroom.

Again, security was nowhere to be found nor the dean, who was supposed to be posted up in the hallways during transition. Late into this incident, the dean grabbed the young man as he got in Collins’ face, spat obscenities and threatened physical harm. This would be the second documented instance when said student threatened Collins’ life. Noticing a pattern, school leaders suspended the student for two days and promised a mediation between Collins and the student upon his return.

Instead of two days, the student served one. The mediation never came to fruition.

Character Assassination Veiled as an Investigation

Time and time again, especially in the weeks leading up the May 14th incident, Collins spoke to the grandmother of the alleged aggressor about his behavior and veiled threats, often along the lines of “See me after school.” Long before that, at the end of the first quarter, Collins and the young man attended an impromptu mediation session led by a senior school official who was close with the young man’s family.

During that session, Collins bumped the young man’s grade up a couple points so that he would pass with a 70 percent for the advisory. For Collins, this served less as a means to “cook the books,” as is often and vaguely mandated by administrators, and more as encouragement that would hopefully pay dividends later in the year.

Despite several promises from the young man to improve academically and show Collins respect, his behavior showed little to no change. In addition to not completing work, the young man skipped class, and failed to attend the after-school detentions that Collins hosted for students who needed to make up work they didn’t complete. After skipping detention for the fourth time during the third quarter, school leaders gave the young man an in-school suspension and later sent him home. Upon his return to school, school officials promised a meeting between Collins and the young man’s grandmother. That meeting never happened, another disappointment amid a sea of unanswered home calls, caused by attempts by the student to intercept Collins’ outreach as he would later discover.

At the beginning of the year, the student revealed his apprehension about reading, compelling Collins to help him pass 10th grade English for the school year, as long as the young man wanted to do so. By the fourth quarter, with the student’s overall grade well below passing, but still high enough to make it, even on the margins, he had given up on himself.

Collins, noticing this, asked the student on repeated occasions to attend class more consistently and get one-on-one tutoring after school. Though this student wasn’t on her caseload, the co-teacher threw her hat in the ring, assisting the young man with his assignment twice.

As the young man’s other teachers have stated in private conversations with Collins, his disdain for his instructor overshadowed any desire to pass the English class. What transpired instead were attempts to get administrators on his side, including a time when a grade-level dean called Collins out of his room during instruction period the young man skipped to speak to him about his academic status.

During Paul PCS’ investigation, Collins outlined these events to administrators, thinking for a moment they would show some impartiality.

On the afternoon of Monday, May 21st, he tried to find a quiet location in a Miami shopping center to speak with Charlotte Spann, Paul PCS’ director of schools, and Erin Fisher, the high school principal, in a video conference during which they collected more information about what took place a week earlier and the circumstances around it.

Long before May 14th, Collins requested five instructional days, between the 16th and 22nd, for a family vacation, which Fisher granted. However after employing self-defense tactics, and at the bequest of administrators, he would start his vacation early, staying home on the 15th while they started gathering evidence.

This May 21st interview, supposedly serving as Collins’ elaboration of an earlier written statement, was peppered with questions about his actions, more so than the young man’s. As Fisher took notes, Spann, in a suspicious tone, asked if Collins had touched the young man’s chest and had him in a headlock during the incident. She later questioned the manner in which Collins took the student’s paper, and visibly showed confusion about why Collins stepped into the hallway with his students after the co-teacher pulled the young man out of the classroom.

During the interview, Spann briefly mentioned that she took testimony from other teachers, although only one was directly involved, without any specificity about the line of questions they received. Though Collins remained calm, what popped up in the back of his mind at the time were memories of perplexed looks from colleagues who would see the familial nature of his relationship with his students. Another memory that came to mind was that of a colleague, the week prior to the May 14th incident, warning Collins about being married to the rules to the point where an inconsistent administration would terminate the “militant Black man.”

For three more days, the cat-and-mouse game continued, diminishing Collins’ confidence in Paul PCS’ ability to settle this matter with all the facts and context in mind. A day later, back in D.C. and anxious about his future at Paul PCS, Collins received a phone call from Spann who said administrators would prolong the investigation two additional days to gather more evidence.

Collins, frustrated at this point, pleaded with Spann to closely examine the greater forces at play, specifically the weak security presence and lack of consistently implemented rules and school culture that threaten teachers’ safety.

In that moment, Spann paused before telling Collins in a defensive tone that none of that should be of concern at the moment, and matters related to institutional practices would be resolved after the investigation. Minutes later, the conversation ended.

Two days later, HR personnel would call Collins to break the news of his termination as an employee.

Self-Defense: A Natural Right in a Place with No Rules

It can’t be taken for granted that adolescents, undergoing a period of rapid developmental and emotional change, will often make mistakes. As the adults in the space, teachers are often encouraged to diffuse situations and utilize the protocols in place the correct student behavior. Convention holds that those who get into a physical altercation with students aren’t fit to teach.

However, the author of this piece, who’s at the center of this controversy, disagrees, imploring readers near and far to look at the issue in deeper context. The information laid out prior shows

1. ) A breakdown in procedures and customs gave young people the impression that they could do whatever they want without consequence.

2.) School administrators don’t value teachers who uphold the rules and hold others accountable to standards that were put in place at the beginning of the year and

3.) In an effort to save face and sweep a prevalent issue under the rug, school administrators, chock full of biases against strong Black men confident in their Afrocentricity and encouraging of that in others, upheld stereotypes about Black masculinity in cutting ties with a person who has contributed significantly to the academic and social culture of their institution.

Naysayers may question the credibility of this statement, citing the confidence with which the authors walks around the building and boldness with which he talks to students when encouraging, and redirecting them. However, please understand that the author of this piece feared for his safety and physical health on the afternoon of May 14th.

In those seconds, out of the watchful eye of security, he had a decision to make. In enacting self-defense measures, he was very careful to not harm the student.

The goal was self-defense, not assault or retaliation, while in the capacity as a teacher, a responsibility that obligates someone to ensure the continuity of systems in the classroom, and the safety of students, and themselves. There are laws on the book across the country that state this. These laws, like the one referenced below, have protected teachers when utilized adequately.

Section 5-E2403 of The District of Columbia School Discipline Laws and Regulations states that teachers could overcome allegations of corporal punishment, similar to what this author has faced, when in self-defense to a degree that’s comparable to what the aggressor has unleashed, and the least intrusive means of quelling the situation. That’s exactly what happened on May 14th when this student swung a punch at the author, and he bear hugged him.

School officials, however, didn’t see it that way, choosing to avoid the hard questions and the possibility of investigations into institutional practices.

However, with this article and subsequent follow-up efforts, the tide will change for teachers caught in similar situations daily at Paul PCS and elsewhere.

We Failed to Fully Manifest Malcolm X’s Vision

Malcolm X/ Courtesy image 

As We approach what would have been Malcolm X’s 93rd birthday, it’s important, now more than ever, to closely examine matters related to Black Nationalism, and our noble ancestor’s Pan-African vision, in which the masses of Black people living in the United States identify with, and strive to build significant connections with, Black people living in Africa, and more generally oppressed humans around the globe.

In the midst of an impending global war precipitated by the United States and Israel, widening wealth inequality domestically, and a perpetual loss of geopolitical footing among Black nations and entities, many among Us still refuse to embrace the revolutionary philosophy that prioritizes Our collective interests, at all levels of sociopolitical engagement, above that of other racial and political groups, so-called allies or otherwise.

In the era of Donald Trump, amnesia seems to have taken over segments of the global Black community, enamored by mainstream calls for unity from so-called white progressives, all the while issues specific to Black people, at home and abroad, constantly get overlooked, just as was the case long before, and after, Trump made his now infamous “shithole” comments.

An emotional appeal to the consciousness of those who value power above all else won’t suffice at this critical juncture in Our fight for liberation. Instead, consolidation of power among the Black masses at the grassroots, and eventually higher, will bolster efforts for widespread change among those who identify as such, and have been severely affected in the global racial caste system by that classification.

However, schisms within the Black family, nationalistic, cultural, and all else in between, prevent such unity. While Black people, like other racial groups, shouldn’t be expected to be a monolith, Our collective third-world status, even when one includes the wealth of Our mavens of industry, reveals common needs that supersede Our differences, many of which have been exasperated in the mainstream press and by multi-issue, left leaning interest groups. This phenomenon shows an ignorance around the mass political movement Malcolm X demanded in 1964 during his Ballot or the Bullet address.

A failure to heed Malcolm X’s words in the decades after his murder have fermented the abysmal conditions of Our existence, including intra-community violence, police-orchestrated murders, food insecurity, and low educational attainment. When the time comes for concerted action, all We can offer is reactionary movement against forces impeding Black progress, when all along We should have been prepared to tackle Our current-day issues with an established Black-centered infrastructure, ran similarly to a separate government, or at the very least, a federation of Black governing bodies.

In practicing Black Nationalism, an ideology and livity that espouses political, social, and economic self-determination and independence, in the District and abroad, D.C.’s Black community, shows an investment in the well-being of its people, while ensuring that the educated and empowered among Us work for the greater good of the Black masses, particularly the working class, instead of corporate overseers and malicious politicians.

Realizing this vision isn’t without its challenges, one of the most crucial being gentrification, a process that decimated large, majority-Black communities over the last 10 years. Pan-Africanism proves more elusive: Beyond D.C.’s “conscious community,” continental Africans and descendants of enslaved Africans remain at odds, often citing cultural differences, spurred by their allegiance to their nation, rather than the global collective.

Additionally, a “bootstrap” mentality among the Black Baby Boomer generation, a group whose conditions in the Post-Civil Rights era favored their economic advancement, creates a go-get-it-yourself attitude where Our elders, who received all the spoils of Civil Rights legislation, provide little guidance on how to pass on generational wealth. Black immigrants, also beneficiaries of past Black liberation struggles on American soil, can be indicted for similar offenses, due mainly to a penchant among a significant number to dissociate and differentiate themselves from those designated as African Americans, as if that demarcation brings shame.

This dilemma has also affected the younger generations. Black teenagers, a demographic now including the American-born sons and daughters of Black immigrants, significantly consume and influence mainstream forms of entertainment. Such programming, and real-world conditions, cause them to lack a collective Black identity rooted in love for one another, ancestral knowledge of self, and a passion for advancing Black causes in all areas of life.

The current socioeconomic landscape dissuades such a mindset, for the alternative — watching out for yourself and who you know, to the detriment of others within the community — often proves more lucrative in the eyes of those lacking race consciousness. In the age of corporate hegemony, co-optation of grassroots and organic movements by distant figures with deep pockets threatens true Black liberation. Overtly Black messages and crusades get abandoned, for softer, more “inclusive” alternatives, even as they snuff out the Black perspective. The few voices on the periphery representing pro-working class Black, anti-establishment politics get vilified, oftentimes by other Black people.

In D.C., as well as on the national stage, this trend has manifested in the arts, an industry that shapes public opinion and supports a color-blind cultural shift among Black youth, to the detriment of an identity rooted in love for self.

As they decry displacement and mass gentrification, members of D.C.’s creative class, a group overly represented by transients, Black and otherwise, perpetuate such systems while erasing the organic, raw form of the indigenous Black D.C. culture they romanticize in corporate-sponsored festivals and programming. Nationally, Black artists and athletes handpicked by the establishment as Our voices on political and social matters have defined and created, for the impressionable public, a movement devoid of class analysis and calls for a true revolution that reaches all levels of the Black liberation struggle.

On the surface, Our collective mission, in the years since Black consciousness reappeared in the mainstream, hasn’t been to form an independent Black nation. Even if this goal proved impossible at this point, Black people aren’t taking strides to build among one another, beyond the, once again reactive, short-lived mass exodus to Black-owned businesses during a boycott.

Instead of fighting for and concentrating power among Ourselves, We settle for sparse opportunities to watch corporate-sponsored artists and politicians address our gripes against America on mainstream platforms, even as their actions barely shift paradigms. Such euphoric sound bites, blown up on a bevy of social media platforms, briefly take our attention away from the real-life conditions that prevent us from attaining Black unity, while inspiring us to emulate these people, who ultimately harbor questionable motives along their advance within the system that holds back Black people.

Reversing these trends, and setting Ourselves along a path where, in every segment of Our lives, and collectively, We’re advancing the interests of the Black nation, starts with educating ourselves about the true nature of the Babylon system, all the while dedicating Our human capital, arguably our most vital resource, to eradicating said system from the inside-out, through simultaneous, incremental, and methodical movements similar to what the powers that be have used against us.

While learning Our revolutionary history, young people must envision and prepare to create a world where they can pursue interests conducive to the uplift of the race. Our adults must prepare to organize politically, economically, and in other sectors to support institutions that advance Black self-determination.

Last, but not least, class and ethnic divisions within the Black family must be addressed, keeping in mind that not every relationship should be salvaged, specifically with adults not committed to racial advancement or solidarity. An allegiance to community is imperative as We work together to change Our dire conditions.

Toward the end of his life. Malcolm X embraced the greater human rights struggle, understanding that holding the Babylon system accountable for its global mistreatment of Black people, through concerted action, would greatly benefit the entire human race, which as a whole been affected by inequities levied by capitalism, imperialism, and racism. Detractors and liberal apologists, white and otherwise, often paint Malcolm X’s evolution in the wrong light, calling it an abandonment of race consciousness, when in fact it’s the globalization of the Black Nationalist program he endorsed in the 1950s and 1960s.

In the United States, the epicenter of global oppression against Black people, and more specially D.C., the same movement can take place. However, like Malcolm X, we have to be passionate about our Blackness, eager to improve Our conditions through education and self improvement, and understand that, in a system buoyed by aggression and manipulation, there’s no viable alternative to Black power, even if that means starting from Our collective position at the bottom of the ladder with the few resources we possess.

Want to learn more about Malcolm X and celebrate his legacy? Take part in some events take place during Malcolm X Week.

 

 

COMING SOON: The AllEyesOnDC Show Discusses Zoning Laws & Gentrification

Once approved, D.C.’s Comprehensive Plan will determine how land in the District will be used, whether it’s for the benefit of longtime residents or major developers eager to expand their influence over a gentrified city.

The stakes are high, so much so that constituents of varying ideologies and interests recently converged on the Wilson Building earlier this month, testifying before the D.C. Council into the wee hours of the morning in the hopes that the final version of the Comprehensive Plan reflects their vision for D.C.

With discussion around the Comprehensive Plan for D.C. underway, it’s time that Africans in the District understand how zoning regulations, the laws that affect the allocation of land for residences, shopping districts, and the like, enable corporations to gentrify Our communities. Ari Theresa, Esq. of Stoop Law L.L.C. will grace The AllEyesOnDC Show on Friday, April 20th at Sankofa Video Books & Cafe (2714 Georgia Avenue NW) and educate us while reflecting on his experiences in this field. This is a show you cannot afford to miss. The show starts at 8pm. 

Before you come through to witness the magic of The AllEyesOnDC Show, watch this video of Ari Theresa speaking with Sam P.K. Collins last year during Howard Homecoming. Peace and blessings!

D.C. Council Missed the Mark with TOPA Single-Family Home Exemption

Earlier this week, the D.C. Council overwhelmingly voted in favor of a change to an essential law that, when implemented, will accelerate gentrification and displace tenants long dependent on the graces of homeowners with extra space in their residences.

In a 10-2 vote on Tuesday, the D.C. Council moved to abolish protections afforded to tenants of single-family homes under the Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act (TOPA). For nearly 40 years, TOPA has granted tenants of apartments and single-family homes the first-right-of-refusal when their landlord announces their intention to not renew their lease and sell the property. This means that tenants can intercept the transaction between the homeowner and third-party buyer, most likely a developer, and match the third-party buyer’s offer. After that, they would have an allotted time period to secure a home loan in that amount. The entire TOPA process takes 180 days, or nearly six months.

Tenants in apartments could use the law to purchase the property as a co-op. In some cases, they could lobby for ownership of their single unit, saving the owner some costs. The writer of this article, a native Washingtonian and one-time tenant in a single-family home, successfully navigated the TOPA process last year on the journey to homeownership, as had 19 other single-family home tenants since TOPA’s inception.

Unfortunately, D.C.’s realtor lobby, developers, and D.C. Council members anxious to serve their money hungry constituents, failed to consider the aforementioned facts of this case. Instead, they ignored nuance, bypassed the pleas of tenant association members, and heavily relied on the findings of an investigation that showed how TOPA lawyers helped secure payouts of up to $30,000 for tenants who had no intention to purchase property from their landlord. This information supported Council testimony from homeowners who revealed instances where TOPA abuse interrupted plans to finance children’s college education and moves to elder care facilities.

Proponents of the single-family home exemption argue that not doing so would discourage homeowners, wary of conniving tenants, from renting out their basements, a trend that could negatively affect D.C.’s housing market. That concern has legitimacy, which is why an amendment scrapping the TOPA payout portion of the law would have sufficed. As can be seen from the outside looking in, the powers that didn’t explore that option. Developments around the TOPA debate have also provided insight. Last year, a committee, led by D.C. Council chair Phil Mendelson (D), was tasked with exploring the case further and coming to a commonsensical solution. Instead, Mendelson dissolved the committee, telling his colleagues they had nothing more to discuss on this matter.

The financially conscious among D.C. residents would disagree. In the era of gentrification, spurred by the construction of Nationals Stadium and other projects, several Black and immigrant families living in the Shaw, Petworth, and Ivy City neighborhoods have been displaced by rapid development, finding themselves with little to no place to go. Between 2015 and 2016, the number of homeless families increased by 30 percent, according to a study conducted last year. D.C. currently has the highest rate of homelessness among all major American cities.

With D.C. home prices at the highest they’ve been in 10 years, few options exist for tenants who want to transition to homeownership in the D.C. neighborhood of their choice. By exempting single-family homes from TOPA protections, the D.C. Council has opened the gates for a developer buying frenzy, in which developers will buy these homes at below market-rate prices, furnish and add amenities to them, before selling it for a much higher price. The losers in this deal are the tenants who could’ve matched that low offer and gotten a chance to own the place they’d helped their landlord pay off for some time, especially with the help of the Home Purchase Assistance Program. Ultimately, the losers will also be indigenous Washingtons, on both sides of this issue, who will see the very fabric of their community torn apart by colonizers, more than it already has been since at least 2007.

A second reading and vote on the single-family home exemption for TOPA has been scheduled for April. It’s incumbent upon the D.C. Council as a unit to think long and hard about the implications of this move. There’s no way to ensure that eliminating TOPA rights for this class of tenant will encourage homeowners to rent out their homes, but if history is a teacher — and it is — majority-indigenous D.C. communities, such as Deanwood in Northeast, could go to the wayside much sooner than later.

 

Leading the Charge: Equipping our Black* Youth with Knowledge of Self

*** In February 2018, during the Curriculum Summit in Pennsylvania, Brother Sam will tout the benefits of a culturally strong education that affirms Blackness in Black children that lack knowledge of self. This hour-long presentation will look at the struggle for quality education in that context, making the case for the African-centered education model that spiritually feeds Our youth. More information to come about this event. For now, read Sam’s article about this perspective as originally posted online.*** 

Even with post-secondary gains made among Black people in the more than 60 years after Brown v. Board of Education, Black children in the United States, particularly those in urban school systems, lag behind their counterparts when it comes to high school completion and, more importantly, the grasping of concepts that better allow them compete in a globalized society.

This means that upon high school graduation, Black students are of little, if any, use to employers and, more importantly, their resource-starved communities. Situations like this are common and often increase the likelihood of incarceration, unemployment or underemployment, and a permanent underclass status among members of this group. Without a generation of fully educated, socially and racially conscious young people, the global Black community, as a collective, will forever look to the nonprofit industrial complex and mainstream political parties with racist histories for panaceas — including monetary aid, food drives, and housing vouchers — cloaked as real solutions.

 The Awakening

Unbeknownst to a good number of young Black people, there are racially motivated historical, political and economic factors that have set the stage for what’s considered a virtually hopeless situation. The maintenance of this “New World” by former colonizers and slaveowners pushes those classified as “Black” to forget that their ancestors led fruitful,independent lives in their villages, reservations, cities and towns long before they were called slaves and treated as such.

Just as the proponents of African-centered cultural nationalism attempted to do in the 1970s, Black educators and parents must demand and create opportunities for Black children to learn their true history and affirm the African legacy stolen from their ancestors through Maafa, also known as the Middle Passage or African Holocaust.

Without a wholistic, race-conscious education, Black children will continue to imagine themselves as the former enslaved and colonized, rather than the self-determined beings who birthed civilization. That means they’ll go into the world unable to avoid the pitfalls of predatory lending, wage theft, gentrification, and police brutality. Without knowledge of self, Black children also won’t effectively organize in their communities just as other race-conscious, culturally centered groups have done and continue to do with tangible results.

 Helping Students Find Knowledge of Self through Literature

The salvation of Black children in American school systems requires an overhaul of curricula designed as a tool of forced integration into mainstream American society. Though they have American citizenship, the so-called African American hasn’t enjoyed the rights exclusively guaranteed to white male landowners in the U.S. Constitution. Under what some might consider a radical pedagogy, Black students, and other students in American schools for that matter, must be exposed to African-centered historical and contemporary texts that affirm their African heritage and alert them to the true nature of Black people’s relationship with the United States, and other duplicitous Western powers for that matter.

Literature, whether it be memoirs, speeches, or biographies, open a window of opportunity to explore the historical context of those works and redefine the authors as socially and culturally conscious freedom fighters, not victims begging their oppressor to affirm their humanity.

In Malcolm X’s Ballot or the Bullet speech, for example, the speaker’s call to Black people to move beyond religious and political divides to consolidate their vote during the 1964 presidential election can pave the way for discussions about voting rights, effective lobbying, and grassroots organizing. The same applies with Sojourner Truth’s Ain’t I a Woman speech, a work with which Black male students explored intersectionality and came to grips with the ways they perpetuate misogyny toward their female counterparts.

More relevant to the overall point of this post, students, when using these types of texts, can still learn to correctly interpret main idea and how it develops, build their vocabulary, and analyze elements of storytelling and figurative language — all while closely reading and annotating texts, writing argumentative paragraphs, and speaking about the text in Socratic seminars. This method places cultural nationalism and the Black identity at the foundation of curriculum design and goes further in making the whole Black child, who by the completion of this program will proudly identify as an African — an homage of sorts to the birthplace of civilization and the land from which all human life originated. For that student, Black will no longer be a mark of shame but a sign of solidarity with oppressed around the world.

Implementing a redesign of this nature would require Black and non-Black educators to take a greater interest in global Black history and culture so that their knowledge of Black people goes beyond the trauma porn that’s chattel slavery and colonization. Additionally, educators, especially those who are white, must confront how white supremacy has always and currently permeates every facet of the education system. In doing so, they, and eventually their students, will understand and appreciate the regality of Africans — Mansa Musa of present-day Mali for example — before the arrival of the European.

Ultimately students, after being exposed to the truth about their history and the Western World and its history as it relates to Black people, will see themselves in a new light: no longer as the oppressed, but as agents of change and descendants of the world’s first human beings fighting to reclaim the glory stolen from their ancestors long ago. In the long term, it’ll affect their decisions, such as their choice in an undergraduate major, or which political party to join.

A State of Emergency in the Global Black Community

Some educators might question the need of the paradigm shift of this nature, arguing that students must be exposed to the “classics” that’ll equip them for college and conversations in educated circles. From this vantage point, it’s clear that those detractors don’t have an intimate understanding of the collective Black community’s current state, which arguably has remained stagnant for the most part despite political and social gains made in recent decades. Regardless of class, location, sexual orientation, and whatever else, Black people globally are in a state of emergency.

Though they live in more of a diverse society and are exposed to more opportunities than their elders, Black youth, as is the case with Black adults and Black society at large, haven’t embraced an identity outside that which has been created in the U.S. — a land built on the genocide and intergenerational exploitation of non-white people. Long after the end of slavery and Jim Crow, societal slights including gentrification, mass incarceration, colonialism, and neoliberal foreign policy in the form of proxy wars in third world countries continue to influence Black migration — local, nationally, and internationally — and dictate Black families’ choices in where they live, sleep and eat, often to the detriment of a Black child yearning for stability.

Black politicians, without a race consciousness and beholden to mainstream power brokers instead of their people, carry out most of the damage and help perpetuate the false narrative that we live in a post-racial society. WIthout a solid cultural identity, Black children — including those who come from abroad and fight for a chance to integrate into American society — embrace a definition of Blackness that American society manufactured millennia ago as a means to legitimize its harsh mistreatment of Black people. Just as many Black children fall on the sword of that definition, the youth who ascend educationally will work to escape Blackness, as defined by the U.S., by any means, even if it hurts their own.

A false Black identity, as currently parroted in popular culture and the paradigm through which we teach the disciplines in American schools, is rooted in criminality, sexual promiscuity, dysfunction, lack of industry, perpetual victimhood, economic immobility, and a persistent sense of “otherness” that not even the election of the nation’s first Black president could eliminate. It’s fallacious to think that Black children can thrive in a system that endorses this outdated and inherently racist definition of Blackness. It’s even more dangerous to think that educators can ignore its effects on the youth’s psyche.

Final Thoughts

Obliterating a mindset of oppression among Black youth through the model outlined in this post will not only prepare Black children for critical thinking that the real world requires, it will allow them to act independently and make decisions in the spirit of self-determination and unity that has often paved the way for economic and political success in other communities. One could argue that this outcome wouldn’t benefit the U.S., a capitalistic society in need of mindless laborers. The author of this post agrees, as the denial of African children of their heritage has become the means through which they’re controlled and packaged into whatever mold the American system needs them to fit.

However, this is the season for change as many have see on televisions and online newspapers. Now’s not the time to embrace a false narrative of the U.S.’ current situation. No, Americans, especially educators, must confront the truth and work so that children are fully aware and able to fight against injustice, even if doing so makes said educator uncomfortable.

May all teachers, administrators, and parents alike take these words into consideration as they weigh choices about how to mold their students’ educational experience in Babylon.

——-

*This post explores Blackness in an international context that allows the so-called African-American child to affirm their African identity and stand in solidarity with the international community, especially people of African descent of various phenotypes across the globe who suffer from societal ills engineered by white supremacy, including but not limited to: economic inequity, police brutality, corporate exploitation, and political marginalization.

 In this post-racial society, people of African descent, whether they’re classified as Black, Latino, or continental African, have varying degrees of leeway with which they can escape the societal scar of Blackness, including exploitation of other Black people. However, Blackness is inescapable. Once one recognizes this and embraces their Blackness with knowledge of self, they would be able to fight for their community using the tools at their disposal.

 Though it has developed throughout millennia, this school of thought came out of post-1960 liberation movements in the U.S. and around the world that furthered Pan-African philosophy touted by the Honorable Marcus Mosiah Garvey and often freedom fighters.

 

What to a Black Nationalist is the Fourth of July?

“Woe be unto a people, a race who seek not their own foundation; their wives shall be servants for the wives of other men, and their daughters shall be wives of poor men and vagabonds, and there shall be tears because of privation, then in the end; hell everlasting for there shall be no reward in the kingdom of heaven for [the] slothful nor the unconcerned.”

Chapter 5 of The Holy Piby (1929) by Shepherd Robert Athlyi Rogers

frederick douglass
Frederick Douglass

In his 1852 speech before a group of abolitionists, titled “What to a Slave is the 4th of July?” Frederick Douglass, a former enslaved Afrikan who dedicated his life to securing physical liberty for Black men and women, gave a stirring indictment of the United States, which by that time had exponentially grown as a sovereign nation since attaining independence, all by stealing land from Indigenous people and denying freedom to generations of enslaved Afrikans who built the U.S. economy while in shackles.

Using rhetorical jujitsu, Douglass repeatedly asked his audience how Black people, many of whom U.S. law designated as property of white men and women at the time, were to celebrate the signing of the Declaration of Independence if their conditions hadn’t changed since 1776.

Centuries later, in the face of police brutality, non-indictments of murderous officers, contaminated water and food in majority-Black communities, lack of economic opportunity, and the reemergence of white supremacist sentiments, Black people across the United States face the same dilemma about where they fit in an America that’s vastly different, yet eerily similar to the nation Douglass worked to change.

Fortunately, Our ancestors gave Us the answer to this question many times before — via Black nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and repatriation, all of which have and still provide the means for Us to organize outside of a system that stole Our wealth and wiped out remnants of Our African identity. More importantly, these tools, should We properly use them, allow Us to unite with our sistren and brethren across the Diaspora, just as the United States government has done with the Zionists and its Western European counterparts.

There’s no better person to make this point with than Shepherd Robert Athlyi Rogers, a man driven by his divine mission to free and unite Black people. His work in the early 20th century would inspire and lay the foundation for Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X, and other Black leaders who have repeatedly called out America for its crimes against humanity and pleaded with Us to build our own table, instead of sitting at the U.S. government’s.

the holy piby
Shepherd Robert Athlyi Rogers published The Holy Piby in 1929. 

More than 70 years after Douglass’ famous speech, Rogers published The Holy Piby, the foundational text of the Rastafari Movement, a global effort among oppressed people of African descent to return — mentally, spiritually, and in many cases physically — to the African continent, the place Rogers often referred to as Ethiopia in his writings. Rogers’ musings in The Holy Piby contributed to a mindset among truly revolutionary Afrikans in the West that Black people would never be truly free if they adopted the values of their enslavers, including those that forbade their pursuit of self-determination.

As founder of Afro-Athlican Constructive Gaathly, a church-like gathering space that facilitated the emergence of an African identity in Newark, New Jersey and other parts of the West, Rogers documented the work of the Honorable Marcus Mosiah Garvey and his Universal Negro Improvement Association in the United States, calling Garvey a prophet. Later, Leonard P. Howell and early proponents of Rastafari in Jamaica, Garvey’s birthplace, would argue that Garvey’s prediction of the coming of a Black king in the East came to fruition through the coronation of His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I, who many Rastas consider a reincarnation of Yeshua, or Jesus Christ.

Garvey, the man We can thank for the red, black, and green of the Garvey Flag, inspired a legion of followers called Garveyites. Malcolm X’s father, killed by Klansmen in Omaha, Nebraska in the early 20th century, counted among the members of this group. Decades later, Malcolm preached unification and channeling of votes under the banner of Black Nationalism in his 1963 address “Ballot or the Bullet.” In his speech to Black people, Malcolm, who had adopted Pan-Africanism in his travels around the world, stressed that Black people overlook economic, religious, and other differences in the interest of consolidating political, social, and economic power among themselves.

malcolm
Malcolm X 

No, Malcolm didn’t tell Us to blindly join the Democratic, Republican, or even Green Party. Instead, he suggested that We as a community step outside of those entities, hold on to Our vote and cast it for the candidates who had proven themselves through policy, not speeches and cult of personality, as those who could successfully wheel and deal in the true interest of the Black Nation. Such a perspective paved the way for several Black-centered organizations of the 1970s and beyond that worked outside of the conventional American system.

These Black Nationalist organizations have proven no match for the Democratic plantation, which has taken Our vote for granted in the years since Barry Goldwater, Richard Nixon, and Ronald Reagan rallied up disgruntled, white male Southerners around contemporary anti-Blackness. Those turn of events somehow convinced Black people that Our best bet was the Democratic Party, even as the friends, colleagues, and children of our fallen leaders were cooking up alternatives in which we had direct control of the agenda.

Some Black Democrats would argue that the lack of appeal in those alternatives lies in an inability to fulfill the needs of the Black populace. The author of this piece thinks that Our collective amnesia makes Us forget how the government orchestrated the murder of our Black leaders and practically scared Us into submission. We’ve also forgotten about the squalor, government-orchestrated violence, and corruption that Democrat-controlled governments have brought Black people.

Many of Us, particularly those who still believe we can liberate ourselves within America’s diabolical two-party political system, choose to ignore the hard truths about Our situation in the United States — even after the untold number of lynchings, literal and metaphorical, over millennia. Even with institutionalized protections, the most talented among Us still face professional and emotional hurdles when they work in these white corporate spaces. The weak minded among them choose their professional ambitions over the well-being of the collective. As Walter Rodney eloquently spelled out in Groundings with My Brothers, today’s rat race is one to immerse oneself into the fabric of this “multicultural” society at the cost of one’s dignity and identity as a son or daughter of Africa.

This ignorance has risen to egregious levels several decades after the passage of the Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts, both pieces of legislation that, while they opened the door to greater political participation, failed to lift Black people out of a permanent underclass status.

Our People, enamored with the legend of Our ancestors’ struggle in Selma, Montgomery and other Civil Rights landmarks, are still holding on to the Democratic Party. Keep in mind that, in the so-called Age of Trump, Our Black elected officials, all Democratic Party figureheads in their own right, have spent more time trying to punish an unimpeachable president than advocating for their Black constituents.

This is part of a long tradition of Black politics where, in competing with others’ interests in a party that We don’t even control, we can’t push for legislation that directly affects us. The tomfoolery has gotten to the point where Black people are rallying around an ousted FBI director who once led the organization responsible Dr. King’s and Malcolm X’s death and that of so many other leaders. With all of the telltale signs in front of Us, We as Black people believe that we will prosper under the murderous banner of the American empire, a capitalistic entity that continues to exploit Our people while committing atrocities against non-white people all around the world, all with whom we share a lineage directly back to the Motherland.

The time for such foolishness stops today.

Brave Afrikan men and women have told us time and time again to strip Ourselves of the American identity that’s doused in individualism, ethnocentricity, misogyny, and ignorance. It’s time that we follow that advice or perish in this contemporary fight and form our own Nation, politically, socially, and economically.

Unfortunately, there are brothers and sisters who are on the front lines of this fight who are using their platform to push the agenda of outside actors. Such actions threaten to co-opt the work being done in the grassroots, upending the progress our People have made in the modern-day liberation fight. Food for thought, Deray McKesson: When your liberation work takes you out of the street of Ferguson and into a studio where you get to interview Katy Perry about her cultural appropriation, then just know that you’re doing the work of the powers that be.

For everyone else, may We take this July 4th to fully understand that, though we’re American by name, we’re not Americans by value and heritage. It’s time we acknowledge that and use that information to build a true movement for self-determination.

 

Black Liberals, Their Use of “Hotep” and “Ankh-Right,” and a Denial of Nation Building’s Merits

PHOTO: A necklace of the ankh, a Kemetic hieroglyph meaning eternal life. The word ankh has recently become a new tool in insults levied against Black people seeking African consciousness./ Courtesy 

Earlier this week, the third day of Kwanzaa, named for the principle of Ujima, a Kiswahili word meaning collective work and responsibility in the African community, turned into somewhat of a nightmare – and ultimately a re-awakening for this author – when Dr. Umar Johnson, an electrifying, yet polarizing figure in the Pan-African community, released a 45-minute video diatribe aimed at his rival General Sera Suten Seti, a Detroit-based speaker with whom he has had problems for some time.

Johnson’s curse word-laden tirade, filmed in a Florida hotel room, caused quite a stir on social media throughout much of Wednesday and Thursday, especially among Black liberal academics and social commentators who spoke of a “Hotep Civil War.” While most in the “conscious community” chose not to give the squabble much credence, several self-proclaimed Pan-Africanists and leftist Blacks quickly condemned the actions of the self-proclaimed “Prince of Pan-Africanism,” saying he made a fool of himself.

For a few seconds, it appeared that the ilk of Black people in whom the good doctor had found fans and liberal Blacks, many of whom have used “Hotep” and more recently “ankh-right” in their descriptions of folks with Pan-African leanings, could agree on at least one thing — the cult of leadership that inflated Dr. Umar Johnson and General Seti’s egos – and has often led to the impotency of several local and national Black movements in recent decades – definitely impedes our fight for liberation.

Unfortunately, this is the furthest the relationship between those with Pan African leanings and liberal Blacks will ever go if the latter continues to tarnishes Hotep – the Kemetic greeting for peace – and the ankh, the Kemetic hieroglyphic that signifies eternal life, in their dismissive statements about Black people yearning to get in touch with their African roots.

Such a choice of words shows a disregard for an ancient history taken away from African people. Yes, even continental Africans lost modern-day Egypt when the U.S. Adm. Alfred Thayer Mahan and other Western leaders created the “Middle East” in the early 20th century. Thousands of years earlier, the Romans and Greeks ransacked Kemet and took many of her possessions. Today, Hollywood warps history, whitening the ancient Black people responsible for mathematics, science, and medicine.

Of course, those of us who consider ourselves somewhat conscious know that we don’t have a direct lineage to Egypt. We also know that American slavery is not the non-melanated people’s first time murdering and stealing from melanated people. Linking the institution of slavery to colonialism on the African continent and Kemet’s fall, helps us find a common oppressor while aiding in the spiritual journey that’s Knowledge of Self.

Many of us who study Egypt, even if for a second, develop an intellectual understanding of the Abrahamic religions that I would respectfully argue goes well beyond that of a good number of Afrikan pastors. Additionally, they are often more accepting of other spiritual systems, including the Yoruba, Akan, Dogon, Voudon, and others.

It’s my hope that Black liberals, and any other group of Black people that has disdain for proponents of African-centered culture, get to embrace their African heritage. Knowledge of Self is a personal process that opens the door to more spiritually fulfilling professional opportunities and connectivity to African people that every Black person should have, even if they don’t feel like attending every study circle or healing circle in the world. In many cases, it also makes one more independently minded.

To the credit of those who critique Pan-Africanism, globalization doesn’t quite afford Black people the privilege of separating from the rest of the world, especially because we don’t control any major resources. In the United States, the racial and ethnic make-up of U.S. residents, particularly those of African descent, has drastically changed since the wave of African independence in the 1950s and 60s. Today, African and Caribbean immigrants and their children count among a significant segment of the Black population in the U.S. Their ties to their home nation and its distinctive culture might not make Pan-Africanism, a call for the collective to unite under one banner, alluring.

For the so-called African American, the United States has somewhat of a misleading position as a stable and developed country. Albeit the signs that all that might be coming to an end within a generation, many descendants of the enslaved Africans who toiled this land feel like they’ve earned a place here. While somewhat noble, this mindset has in part conflicted with the gains that African-centered institutions made in the post-Civil Rights era to create an African identity in the U.S. that combats the poisonous caricature of Black man and womanhood inflicted on our children daily.

Our reverence for our ancestors’ sacrifices on American soil shouldn’t negate our need to connect and organize with our brothers and sisters across the globe. Just as young people are fighting police forces in the U.S., young men and women across the Diaspora are going toe to toe with their elected officials, some of whom have U.S. backing. I’m not afraid, nor have I ever been afraid, to admit that Dr. Umar made me privy to these connections somewhat.

However, that doesn’t mean that he, the men, and sometimes women, who Black liberals, including the authors of the widely popular Very Smart Brothas blog, call “Hoteps” aren’t without fault. Their need to boast about their “wokeness” speaks to this.

However, they don’t represent the entire African-centered community. In the interest of preventing the cult of leadership mentioned earlier, people who consider themselves conscious must hold the usual suspects – misogynists, the historically inaccurate, and the often hypocritical – responsible for their actions.

As far as African-centered organizing and nation building in the 21st century is concerned, many of us shouldn’t be close minded to some of what the present day offers. We should also understand, and embrace, nuance in our scholarship so that we don’t create a narrow-minded definition of a truly African-centered lifestyle. Many an organization have crumbled by turning off well-meaning Black people trying to find themselves in this twisted society.

No fellow Africans, I’m not asking us to hide who we are as a people. I’m not telling our people to put down to the RBG flag, to cease all mention of our ancestors or practice of African spiritual activity. I’m arguing that the dearth of intellectual gymnastics among members of the Youtube generation and a disregard for fresh discussions about various aspects of this liberation movement will hinder us.

If we’re to ever realize Nguzo Saba and become a global African nation, organization must be scientific and inclusive of all all aspects – including financial, agricultural, health, and education. It’s time to move beyond the smoke and mirror of social media conscious stardom. Doing so requires using the confidence that comes with that knowledge to launch long-term projects that move us closer to self-determination. It also requires us to be good representatives of the so-called conscious community in the way we spread our message. Not everyone will like us but they should never have to say that we’re disrespectful.

These days, the stakes are higher for African people in the United States, especially now that even some Blacks with Pan-African leanings have, jokingly, used “hotep” and “ankh right” to deride Johnson and others. This proves dangerous at a time when Pan-Africanism is under attack, not only from outside forces, but from those who consider themselves Black.

Shortly after Donald J. Trump’s ascent to the White House, a couple Black thought leaders spouted messages with xenophobic undertones like that in the president-elect’s campaign speeches. For example, Yvette Carnell of Breaking Brown remixed a conservative talking point about immigrants taking low-paying jobs, telling African Americans that to succeed as a group, they need to ignore a bloc that includes continental Africans, Carribbean people, Afro-Latinos, and other Black immigrants. In a later Facebook post, she mocked Pan-Africanism as a relic of the past that has no significance today.

But how can that be the case when Africans across the globe suffer just as badly, if not worse in some cases, as our ancestors in our interactions with the oppressor? Just like we share a common lineage, we have a common enemy in racism, capitalism, neocolonialism, war, and any other tool used to keep our people under siege globally. Kujichagulia, the Kiswahili word for self-determination and second principle of Kwanzaa, speaks to African people breaking free of those chains and controlling their own economies, governments, and schools without any exploitative influence from outside actors.

Personally, I don’t take most critiques of Pan-Africanism or Black Nationalism negatively these days. Rather, maybe because of a fervently curious mind that has taken me many places, I take those opportunities to develop my craft as a journalist and educator so that the concept of Pan-Africanism becomes clearer for my people and works even more wonders in my life and organizing work. That’s all AllEyesOnDC has been: a tour of my ever-evolving millennial mind.

In closing, I say to those brothers and sisters who continue to use “hotep” and “ankh-right” in their talks about African-centered Black people, understand that yes, we hear you, but you’re still losing out on an opportunity to deepen your community work and advocacy on behalf of Black people. Please learn to see those men you call “hotep” as just flawed people, not representatives of an entire movement. Shoot, just gain some international context for what’s going on in the U.S. and I guarantee you’ll see Knowledge of Self much differently.

At least I hope so.

How an Understanding of Race as a Social Construct Strengthens the Call for Black Liberation

A depiction of Bacon’s Rebellion, the 1676 event believed to usher the start of the racial caste system that legitimized the enslavement of African people in the United States./ http://www.history.com 

In most of the mature conversations about race I’ve participated in, both sides have acknowledged the U.S. racial caste system to be a farce, designed to keep the multi-ethnic, disenfranchised majority from uniting against the One Percent. At that point in the discussion, the party who’s determined to organize solely with Black people, myself in many cases, must answer the question of whether this fact changes how they fight for Black liberation.

After engaging in many discussions and deliberating in my private time, I would say no and yes.

Knowing that the Elites created the concept of race in the U.S. doesn’t discourage me from solely organizing with Black people on several fronts. The global Black race’s survival depends on our ability to do for self, whether that’s in Liberia against impeding foreign investors or in D.C. amid mass gentrification. As a reporter, if I want my people to survive, I must do my part by writing about and reporting on issues concerning Black people in D.C., the U.S., and abroad. As an educator, I must teach Black, and Latino, children about our common African heritage.

This mission for Black self-determination equally applies in the home. My beau is a Black woman. I will eventually become the head of a Black family. My life is beautifully Black, more so because of my passion for combating the all-out assault on Black people in this country and abroad.

This begs the question of whether, by overtly celebrating and protecting my Blackness, I’m becoming a prisoner of the very box that I’m trying to escape. By solely organizing with Black people, am I participating in the race war that the Elites are creating from afar? By echoing my warrior ancestors’ call for a united African nation, am I just as evil as the white people who want to exterminate my race? These are real questions that often come from friends, colleagues, strangers, and whoever else asks about what some would consider my obsession with living Black.

To them, I say that by affirming my African heritage in this pseudo-racial caste system, I redefine Blackness. Coming to terms with my precarious status as a so-called first-generation Black American helped me realize this. As a teenager in what was once called Chocolate City, I often felt that I had to choose between being a Liberian and being a Black American. At the George Washington University, I saw similar schisms between continental and diasporic Africans. Such experiences further compelled me to live an honestly Black live in this country and reject any temptation to let go of Mama Africa.

While not directly affected by the U.S.’ slave-holding history, by being born and raised in the United States, I’m subject to the laws, standards, and Eurocentric thinking created to impede African American progress. In my adolescent years, I had to decide between adhering to the cultural norms that my parents taught me, or following the way of life prescribed to my peers through BET videos and misinformation from malignant media sources and traumatized people. To be totally fair, the young African-American men I grew up with, many of whom came from loving homes despite what the media tried to tell my Liberian-born parents, had to make the same decisions despite their upbringing.

Making that connection between me and my friends showed me that as a young African man in the Babylon system, your home life didn’t matter to an extent if it wasn’t centered in an African cultural identity or a yearning for such. If the definition of Black as given by America has no positive semblance of Africa, both continental and diasporic Africans struggling to find their way will suffer in the end by strictly adhering to those values.

By stepping outside of the ethnocentric box that America created for Black people, we can tap into our African heritage and learn about a history beyond slavery that confirms our humanity and divinity. Our ancestors who walked this land during the rise of the American empire had similar goals, despite the Babylon system’s efforts to wipe away memories of those movements.

In recent years, I’ve gained a more globalized perspective, working alongside like-minded Black youth and learning about the African heritage I share with them and other Africans around the world – particularly the Caribbean and the African continent. Upon learning about some of our ancient history and struggle against the European minority, however I found more than enough reason to organize solely with Black people, despite knowing what I’ve come to find out in discussions — that this racial caste system thrives from division of non-wealthy white and Black people.

At a time when, as an aggregate, Black people in the United States are behind in many facets of living, I, nor other Black people, don’t have much time to convince white people of our humanity or to educate them about the fallacy of the racial caste system that continues to benefit them. Additionally, the very people who benefit from white supremacy are descendants of the Europeans that have committed numerous atrocities against African people and other melanated groups long before Bacon’s Rebellion in 1676, an event that marked the beginning of chattel slavery by inheritance. Though the American Elite created “white” and “black” to destroy any possibility that impoverished people would unite against them, the “white” people who enjoyed the benefits of the system were already well on their way to controlling the melanated people’s way of life.

Not too far from where Bacon’s Rebellion happened, the English unleashed physical and germ warfare against Indigenous Americans upon landing on their shores decades earlier. Christopher Columbus, the Italian explorer whose legacy the Babylon system celebrates every year, and his goons dealt a similar fate to the “Indians” they encountered in the 15th century. Columbus’ contribution to the cause kicked off a long period of Western imperialism and the Transatlantic slave trade, also known as Maafa, which means the African Holocaust.

Centuries earlier, the Greeks and then the Romans took over ancient Kemet after acquiring the vast wealth of knowledge that the Egyptians had. The Portuguese and other European groups took the system of wartime indentured servitude developed by Africans (the one often mentioned by white people in discussions about race) and turned it into an inter-generational marker of poverty and economic exploitation. The Industrial Revolution, a period of great economic growth for Western nation-states, paralleled the rape and plunder of the African continent and people. All the while across the Atlantic Ocean, the U.S. government ran Indigenous Americans off their land.

Despite coming from various pre-New World nations, we melanated people share a common oppressor, but more so a common spiritual energy. Long before the European left the caves and embarked on its centuries-long campaign of destruction, people of African descent laid the foundation for many of the technological advancements we see today. The land mass that was Pangea serves as a testament to this common heritage. Over the decades, several African scholars, including Runoko Rashidi, have been able to find elements of African cultural influence in paintings, sculptures, and writings from all over the world.

Racial classifications – Black, Latino/Hispanic, Native American, etc. – do nothing to highlight the complexity of our ethnic, tribal, and cultural origins. Those markers signify economic fortune and reinforce limited, poisonous ideas about melanated people that the oppressor developed. In the spectrum of race, Black and white fall on opposite sides. As Walter Rodney eloquently explained in Groundings with My Brothers, people all around the world, based on their current economic and social situation, have some latitude in choosing where they land on that scale. In many modern societies, the melanated people who attain all an institution offers don’t challenge persistent ideas of whiteness. By design, its melanated people who uphold the racial caste system by not challenging whiteness.

The Babylon system has gone above and beyond to maintain whiteness, a concept that always faces extinction, in other forms.  Irish and Italian immigrants, Ashkenazi Jews, Catholics, and other white outcasts have been absorbed into so-called white American family as melanated groups continuously broke institutional barriers throughout the years. In exchange, those groups would hold down melanated groups.

These days, white “Hispanics” are becoming the next group to enter the white race. Many of these “Hispanics” may have enjoyed similar privileges as the lighter members of their home nations. Anywhere in the world, it doesn’t gain anyone profit to go against the oppressor. To act as though that’s the case makes the assumption that the oppressor got everything in its possession through hard work rather than theft and trickery of the truly enlightened majority.

When looking at the creation of America’s racial caste system through that lens, the original intent to continue the global oppression of melanated people has become clearer to me, even if it has kept some poor whites at the bottom. If the oppressed melanated people who bring up this racial caste system in race discussions truly understood the true nature of the Western beast, they would combat it by self-classifying as Black in a manner that reveres their connection to the Most High and respects the struggles of Africans abroad.

From what I’ve seen and heard, not many of my sisters and brothers have done that, choosing instead to not connect with Africa. Unlike other oppressed groups, we have no direct connection to Mama Africa, due mainly to enslavement, but because many of us don’t want to know about it in the Age of Information. Sadly, we’ve been conditioned to not follow our predecessors in organizing with Africans abroad; we see our issues as separate from theirs.

In closing, for us to truly break out of this pseudo-racial system that critics of Pan-African ideology bring up time and time again in arguing against race consciousness, Black America must end its love affair with the white force that has oppressed its people globally long before Bacon’s Rebellion.

Unifying with the oppressor’s henchmen (middle and lower-class whites) with the hope that they will tear down Babylon with us is not the answer. The only unity this journalist and educator will unequivocally endorse is that among melanated people – including Africans, Indigenous Americans, and all those in between. In no way does this conflict with the call for Black unity as for this plan to truly come to fruition, Black unity must be examined through a global prism, where those who fight for Black self-determination in America think of themselves as Africans.

Having that common consciousness can lead us out of ignorance and into a situation where we can respect our common heritage with other Spirit Beings, eventually letting go of the Eurocentric ideas that perpetually destroy our souls. How’s that for destroying a racial caste system?

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